Badr Abdelatty

Foto: David Ausserhofer

Badr Abdelatty: “We need Europe to pressure all sides to uphold the ceasefire”

Amid President Trump’s peace plan, Egypt’s Foreign Minister Abdelatty warns that a prolonged governance vacuum in Gaza, combined with a worsening humanitarian crisis, could fuel extremism and cross-border insecurity.

Minister Abdelatty, much has happened since October: President Trump brokered a ceasefire in Gaza and the UN Security Council Resolution 2803 got adopted, which creates a Board of Peace, an International Stabilization Force (ISF), and a Technical Palestinian Committee that will govern Gaza. What is happening now?

Abdelatty: We are now consulting closely with the United States and other partners to determine who participates in the first two bodies and to identify the Palestinian technocrats for the committee. Equally important is defining the mandates of the Board of Peace and the ISF — because their roles and missions must be clearly set.

You mentioned the United States, but not Europe. Our The Berlin Pulse survey shows Germans see Europe’s relevance declining. Does Europe still have a role?

Absolutely. Europe’s role is indispensable, both politically and financially. We expect stronger, more unified support from Europe. For example, we need Europe to pressure all sides to uphold the ceasefire and sustain humanitarian and early-recovery funding. Europe must also back the Palestinian Authority as the sole legitimate authority and clearly reject unilateral steps that undermine stabilisation or a future Palestinian state.

What else?

We also need Europe to push harder for humanitarian access to Gaza, to use its relations with Israel and the United States to advance the second phase of the Trump peace plan and to support Palestinian capacity-building. As we speak, Egypt is already training personnel to help restore security and public order in Gaza; engagement through the EU Police Mission in the Palestinian territories and the EU Boarder Assistance Mission is essential, especially for operating the Rafah crossing from the Palestinian side.

The second phase of the Trump Plan includes Hamas’s disarmament. Will that happen?

Well, the Trump peace plan, accepted by both Hamas and Israel contains responsibilities for both sides. Israel is required to withdraw and redeploy its forces, yet it still controls about half of Gaza. Hamas is committed to decommissioning, and we are working with Palestinian factions to create a unified body to oversee this. Progress is needed on both tracks.

What are Egypt’s main concerns regarding the political situation in Gaza?

Our red line is that we totally reject any form of Palestinian displacement; an act that Egypt views as a grave breach of international law and a direct threat to its national security. We are also concerned by attempts to fragment the Palestinian territory, whether by imposing alternative local administrations in Gaza or by entrenching the separation between Gaza and the West Bank.

Many very ambitious decisions have now been made. What will happen if their implementation is too slow?

I am concerned, that a prolonged Palestinian governance vacuum and deepening humanitarian despair would fuel extremism and cross-border insecurity, rendering stabilization far more difficult. The only viable path forward is grounded in a unified Palestinian governance under a strengthened and reformed Palestinian Authority, backed by firm international commitment to reconstruction, humanitarian relief and full implementation of relevant UN resolutions.

What is also important?

The early recovery and the reconstruction of Gaza is very important and vital. And we are in contact with the European Union, with Germany, France, Italy to work on it jointly.

Minister, let us also speak about the war in Sudan, your southern neighbour. How do you assess the current situation?

We want to end the war and address Sudan’s catastrophic humanitarian crisis. Egypt views the conflict as an existential threat to Sudan’s unity, sovereignty, and territorial integrity, driving the country toward fragmentation, institutional collapse, and widespread suffering.

Is the Quad Initiative — comprising the US, Saudi Arabia, UAE, and Egypt — still a credible actor or has it been weakened by diverging interests, particularly Gulf support for the Rapid Support Forces in Sudan, opposing the Sudanese army that Egypt backs?

There are no diverging interests. We are working with the United States, the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia. It is essential that we work with all parties, and we have all the relevant parties involved in the Quad.

Have you discussed all these issues with the United Arab Emirates on a bilateral basis?

Of course, we are talking to everyone, because we must stop the suffering of the Sudanese people and implement the Quad Declaration, agreed in September: Firstly, we need a humanitarian truce. Secondly, a ceasefire. This will be the starting point for an inclusive political process, which will not exclude any party in Sudan, whether civilian or military. The endgame will be a new, democratic Sudan with a new government. This is what we are trying to achieve. It won’t be easy, but there is no other option.

The interview was conducted by Julia Ganter and Leona Harting on 3 December 2025.

The Berlin Pulse - Express Edition

In cooperation with Table.Media, The Berlin Pulse Express Edition combines the foreign policy attitudes of Germans with expectations of Germany from abroad.